Last Saturday I went to an Iranian super store, near my house. I bought a box of معمول and نادي. Plus a few more things like pickled cucumbers.

Islam is fundamentally incompatible with a free society. It does not belong in the West, in Saudi Arabia, in Iran, or anywhere else on the planet. Many people believe the state should step in and eradicate this ideology from every corner of daily life. But is a massive and overreaching government really the answer? When we ask the state to solve all our cultural problems, we invite authoritarianism into our own homes. Here is how we actually win this fight without sacrificing our liberty. ⚖️ The Strict Limits of the State: Governments and laws must be used solely to completely remove Islam from politics. That is where state intervention must begin and immediately end. 🧠 The Trap of Thought Policing: Could empowering the state to ban ideas ultimately backfire on us? If you grant the government power to police thoughts, they will eventually use that power against you. Once you open the door to state censorship, you can never close it again. 🛡️ The Responsibility of Civil Society: Eradicating bad ideas from everyday life is our job as citizens. We must stop asking for a nanny state and take personal responsibility on the cultural battlefield of ideas. Fighting radical ideologies requires a strategic and highly disciplined approach. We must use the law to enforce a strict separation of religion and state, and we must use our own voices to win the cultural war. Are you ready to dive deeper into geopolitical analysis and the strategies needed to fight radicalism? Join the Liberty Politics community and discussion group today. We break down complex global conflicts, regime tactics, and military strategy. Talk to us in our group calls! 📅 Check the Schedule & Join Here: https://www.skool.com/libertypolitics/calendar

Why being anti-Islam is not the same as being anti-Muslim. It’s the difference between fighting a 'disease' and supporting the 'patients.' To effectively challenge an ideology, you have to be strategic. Demonizing a group is rarely the way to win. Come talk to me in our group calls! 📅 Check the Schedule & Join Here: https://www.skool.com/libertypolitics/calendar

A prominent figure from the ultra-hardline Paydari camp recently made a public statement that sounds completely absurd to the untrained eye. Lawmaker Amir-Hossein Sabeti claimed that the Islamic Republic in Iran is not a dictatorship. He insisted that the Supreme Leader does not make every decision. Mainstream analysts quickly brushed this off as standard political theater, but they are completely missing the mark. This is not a sudden pivot toward moderation. It is a highly calculated power grab hiding in plain sight. To understand what is actually happening, you have to look past the surface. The Paydari camp is systematically bypassing the traditional hierarchy. By openly stating that the Supreme Leader does not micromanage the state, they are carefully sweet-talking their own radical base. They are giving their loyalists the green light to take matters into their own hands and act independently of central command, specifically bypassing Mojtaba Khamenei. This reveals a fatal structural flaw. The Islamic Republic in Iran is no longer a unified totalitarian state. It is buckling under the weight of its own paranoia. It is collapsing into a brutal three-way factional war, and the regime is actively tearing itself apart from the inside. ⚔️ The Three-Way Mafia Turf War To understand this internal collapse, one must look at how the power structure has fundamentally shifted. The Islamic Republic in Iran is no longer a monolithic entity. It operates like a fractured mafia syndicate, currently locked in a vicious, three-way turf war for ultimate survival. At the absolute top of this criminal enterprise sits the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the IRGC. They hold the guns, command the intelligence apparatus, and control the vast majority of the wealth stolen from the Iranian nation. The IRGC does not care about theological purity. They care about resources, military dominance, and regional hegemony. Beneath them, the Supreme Leadership has effectively been downgraded to the number two spot. The messy, backroom transition of influence toward Mojtaba Khamenei has not projected strength. Instead, it has exposed a profound institutional fragility, leaving the office of the Supreme Leader increasingly reliant on, and essentially hostage to, the physical muscle of the IRGC.